UK corruption

The squalid role of deep state paedophile networks

Kincora Boys Home - Paedophiles in Parliament

Kincora and Beyond: In the slow death of British democracy

By Dr. Roger Cottrell, PhD – ex Crime Reporter and author of Jaded Jerusalem a retrospective crime thriller exposing the Deep state pedophile ring 

There were strategic and ominous reasons why the British government separated the investigation into child sex abuse in Northern Ireland, in 2014, from a parallel inquiry that was set up to fail in Britain itself in the same year.  Most shocking of all was that the notorious and well documented paedophile operation at Kincora was excluded from both inquiries. Looking at these monstrous and squalid scandals from an Irish perspective it has been a fairly open secret, that MI5 ran the abuse network at the Kincora Boy’s Home as a Deep State psychological warfare operation from the early 1970s. The British establishment and media, however, are nothing if not adept at burying scandals and setting up inquiries to fail.  The narrative chosen elsewhere in the UK was that “historic abuse” arose from “systemic failure,” meaning that there was never an organised Deep State paedophile ring manipulating British politics which helped bring and maintain Margaret Thatcher to power.  Colin Wallace, the former Army Information Policy whistleblower framed on manslaughter charges in 1980 (and later acquitted) meanwhile refused to give evidence to either inquiry if they didn’t reference Kincora and Michael Mansfield QC pointed out that there was nothing “historical” about an abuse network that almost certainly still exists. 

           While Bryn Allen and Bryn Estyn, together with the wider archipelago of abuse in North Wales, and the South Vale Care Home in Lambeth have since gone the way of Kincora itself, there is evidence that a network once used to help establish and consolidate permanent Tory rule also facilitated the corrupt al Yamamah arms deal with Saudi Arabia that made Mark Thatcher wealthy to the tune of £60 million.  All of this is addressed in my novel and the trilogy of which it is a part..

            That said, even a superficial glance at the evidence pertaining to Kincora and the wider British paedophile network alludes to disturbing parallels.  In the North of Ireland, the Terry Inquiry was prevented from interviewing or referencing members of the security forces and in 1984, Jim Prior said there was no need for a public inquiry at all.  In 1996, William Haig, as Welsh Secretary, buried the Jillings Report at around the same time that a fire in Crewe destroyed much of the evidence and the proprietor of Scallywag magazine, Angus James, died under suspicious circumstances in Northern Cyprus.  Another parallel is in the role of psychological warfare and disinformation, such as in Private Eye’s relentless and idiotic references to “satanic and ritual abuse” which obviously never existed, and the smearing of abuse survivor Stephen Messham by both David Rose and the Eye in particular. 

          In the early 1970s, Army Information Policy in Lisburn generated black propaganda and psychological warfare operations both against the IRA and Harold Wilson’s government that were based on the methodology of Section Five during World War II. By falsely accusing Wilson of planning an immediate withdrawal from the North they managed to generate some of the worst sectarian violence of the Troubles in 1973, in the run up to the Sunningdale Agreement.  After abuse survivor Stephen Messham was smeared by Private Eye, David Rose and others, Carl Beech stepped forward as part of a psychological warfare operation that was straight out of the Army Information Policy playbook.  Also a victim of the network, but a paedophile in his own right, Beech (a nurse by profession who somehow owns a property in Sweden) was coerced to make specific allegations against the vile Harvey Proctor and the late Edward Heath that were completely false. 

          Proctor, an open fascist whose Far Right connections were exposed by Panorama in the 1980s, and a well known violent abuser of rent boys, seemed willing to be used as a “stalking horse” in this black propaganda operation.  He has been threatening to sue former Labour Deputy Leader Tom Watson ever since Beech’s claims against him collapsed.  A useful exercise might be to find out who ran the highly effective campaign on line, that projected Proctor as a victim of homophobia, and see if they had any connection to Ludgate PR in Dolphin Square.  Derek Daoud, after all, also defended the corrupt Neil and Christine Hamilton, now members of the fascist UKIP Party in Britain, from charges of false imprisonment and sexual abuse. 

          Once Beech’s allegations were proved false, and he was charged, the Tory media went into overdrive to claim that the Deep State paedophile ring had never existed and that claims that it had began and ended with Carl Beech.  This is simply not true.  However, given the corrupt and toxic relationship between corporate media and political power in the UK, this was enough to discredit the police Operation Midland that had actually been set up by Theresa May to fail.

            Beech’s claims against Heath always sounded implausible for all that Heath was indeed close to Jimmy Savile and attended several meetings of the Paedophile Information Exchange, meaning that Wiltshire Chief Constable Mike Veale was absolutely correct to investigate the allegations thoroughly.  Despite the ridiculous and churlish references to “satanic abuse,” particularly by David Rose and in Private Eye, the network after all existed less to service the depravities of the paedophiles that Thatcher indeed gathered around her than to target her enemies.  This is illustrated, as we will see below, by the role of the afore-mentioned Paedophile Information Exchange and its magazine, MAGPIE, in its Deep State operation. 

          Were the murderers of eight year old Vishal Metrora from Putney, abducted in 1981 on the day of the Royal Wedding, Tory perverts then they had a whole warehouse of abuse victims in the care homes to choose from.  Indeed, it’s highly likely that at least 12 boys were quietly murdered in the care homes in North Wales over the years.  On this occasion, however, the network deliberately chose to use Stephen Norris, a paedophile connected to the abuse network in North Wales, to abduct a boy with a family who cared about him, because the purpose of the murder was to blackmail political opponents. 

          In my forthcoming novel, Jaded Jerusalem, I assert that both Labour’s Grenville Janner, later Lord Janner (a close associate of Prince Andrew, Jeffrey Epstein and Peter Mandelson) and Rochdale MP Cyril Smith were set up to participate in the abuse and murder of the small boy – someone with a family who cared about him and would demand justice, as his father has done to this day.  This was to provide a time bomb for the Labour Party, to help facilitate the Right wing leadership succession that Rupert Murdoch and the British American Project would prepare from 1983.  This might explain why Home Secretary Leon Brittan, who may well have ordered the cover up of Vishal’s murder, also “lost” the evidence that Geoffrey Dickens provided, on Cyril Smith’s paedophile activities in 1982.  It may also explain why Smith was later rewarded by Margaret Thatcher with a Knighthood, given the key role he played in withdrawing Liberal support for Jim Callaghan’s government.  But the Liberals weren’t the main problem for Thatcher and Janner’s involvement in Vishal’s murder had a much longer shelf life, being something to hold over a future Labour government, to keep them in check.  This might explain why Thatcher secretly briefed Blair on the latter’s assumption of office in 1997, and even why Kier Starmer, whose so called “investigation” into Janner and Savile amounted to a cover up, is so spineless and useless in his “invisible opposition” to the corrupt government of Boris Johnson..

Kincora Revisited

One important difference between Kincora and the British network, of course, is that the former is incredibly well documented, as are the connections of its “House Father,” William McGrath, to the secret state.  As well as the Kincora abuse network, he ran a small loyalist paramilitary group called TARA, which infiltrated the UVF at a point when much of its leadership were in prison.  He was also connected to fellow paedophile John McKeague, a murderous sectarian and open fascist who’s Shankill Defence Association would play a leading role in the Belfast pogroms that precipitated the British Army intervention in September 1969.  McKeague, a shopkeeper from East Belfast, was the man who cut up the body of one of the boys actually murdered at Kincora.  This, too, was a crime in which the British Security Forces were complicit if only by association, because they helped to cover it up.

         One of McGrath’s most important “customers,” when it came to child abuse at Kincora, was Lord Mountbatten, who visited the home at least once and who’d been connected to Jimmy Savile since at least 1966.  It seems that Prince Andrew is not the first paedophile in the ranks of the Royal Family.  A British agent, either of MI5 or MI6, called Joseph Mains regularly trafficked at least two boys to Mountbatten’s Castle in the Irish Republic.  After the British Army defied Wilson and mutinied, during the 1974 UWC Strike, Mountbatten’s paedophile activities drew him into a military coup plot against Harold Wilson that ended only when then CIA Director George HW Bush issued Wilson with an ultimatum in Downing Street in 1976.

          In 1979, Colin Wallace briefed Airey Neave about Kincora and Neave was assassinated shortly afterwards.  The car bomb was detonated in the Palace of Westminster car park and the mercury tilt detonator was well beyond the technical capabilities of the INLA, whose Dominic McGlinchey claimed responsibility in an interview with the BBC’s Roger Bolton.  In fact, mercury tilt switch detonators of that kind were a favourite of the SAS in Oman.  According to McGlinchey, the bomb was placed under Neave’s car seat but this wasn’t the case.  After Neave’s death, Peter Morrison of Ludgate PR in Dolphin Square, Pimlico, became the first of a group of paedophiles to join Thatcher’s inner circle.  In 1980, in Arundel in Sussex, Colin Wallace was framed on charges of manslaughter

Kincora
Derelict home of abuse: Kincora Boys Home on Newtownards Road in east Belfast

          Later in 1979, Mountbatten was also killed.  Claims that the IRA or INLA were responsible are also completely false as the IRA, and quartermaster John Slab Murphy, were preoccupied with the Warren Point Operation at the time.  Seen as direct revenge for Bloody Sunday, this would have been a high profile operation for the IRA which would have taken all their resources.  In addition, the IRA had an unofficial “covenant,” at the time, with Irish Army G2 Intelligence and certain Fianna Fail politicians, not to engage in high profile terrorist attacks in the Republic. The INLA was meantime completely in disarray following the blood feud of 1976 and fallout from the mail robbery trial in the Irish Republic in 1977.

          In 1981, John McKeague was shot dead by an INLA police informant ahead of his arrest, on paedophile charges, by the RUC.  William McGrath was also arrested and civil servants went into overdrive, shredding official documents.  This would be precisely what Theresa May would do, as Home Secretary, when Operation Midland and Operation Yew Tree were set up to fail decades later.  In 1982, the Inquiry into Kincora was also set up to fail and Terry was prevented from interviewing or referencing members of the security forces.  Two years later, in 1984, Jim Prior said there were no grounds for a public inquiry into Kincora just as Leon Brittan was burying allegations against Cyril Smith.

          During the 1990s, abuse survivors from Kincora and other young men were still being trafficked from Northern Ireland to London to be abused by, among others, Grenville Janner. This would remain the ticking time bomb at the heart of New Labour until Blair came to office- and received his ultimatum from Thatcher accordingly.

Kincora the Sequel: The North Wales Abuse Archipelago, Dolphin Square, Elm House, South Vale  

 It’s unclear when the kind of Deep State paedophile operation that involved Kincora became reproduced in Britain itself but it was up and running by the time that Thatcher, aided by Cyril Smith, won her narrow majority in 1979.  Key to the abuse network were the Bryn Allen and Bryn Estyn care homes which, like Kincora, were privately run using public money.  Also involved were Ludgate PR, in Dolphin Square, Pimlico, and another abuse operation at the South Vale Care Home in West Norwood, Lambeth.  This latter operation would later be used in a psychological warfare operation against Lambeth Council (see below) and, through Lambeth Council, against the GLC.  Both the government and authorities, and the media, have been at pains to separate events at South Vale from those in North Wales, thanks to a media PR operation also run by former employees of Ludgate PR.

          During this period, Peter Morrison, a paedophile and part of the management at Ludgate PR, became Thatcher’s closest aid and joined her inner circle.  Indeed, he can be seen next to Thatcher on election night, in 1979, waving from the window of Number 10.  He would later be joined in Thatcher’s inner cabal by DJ Jimmy Savile, who seems to have pimped for the paedophile ring since he was introduced to Lord Mountbatten in 1966.  This was back when Savile still worked on Radio Scarborough.  Savile was later rewarded with privileged positions at Broadmoor and Stoke Manderville Hospitals where he carried out systematic abuse.  In my novel, and the trilogy of which it is a part, Savile is present when Janner and Smith are set up in the 1981 murder of Vishal, thereby recruiting Janner to work against the Labour Party at the cabal’s behest.

Kincora, paedophiles in power, Parliament paedophiles,  Jimmy Savile,
Jimmy Savile and Margaret Thatcher – No 10 Downing Street – London

          If the care home abuse network was part of a Deep State operation then so, too, was the Paedophile Information Exchange and its scurrilous publication, MAGPIE.  Indeed both were set up, at least in part, by a former civil servant who’d been busted on child sex charges in Egypt and released from Egyptian custody at the behest of MI6.  This time, the operation was aimed entirely at Thatcher’s enemies such as Cyril Smith, the Rochdale MP and paedophile who played a key role in bringing down James Callaghan’s pact with the Liberals and who was later knighted by Thatcher herself.  Whether or not Jeremy Thorpe had also been targeted by the paedophile network remains a matter of conjecture but he had been drawn into a squalid conspiracy to murder by South Africa’s BOSS, operating on behalf of MI5.  Rather interestingly, Norman Scott, the intended victim, who is still alive, was inexplicably cut off during a recent interview on BBC.

          If the Liberals were targeted by the paedophile network, and its leadership actively covered up the presence of paedophiles in the party’s ranks, then it was Labour politicians who were duped into supporting the Campaign for Children’s Rights, because it also opposed the use of corporal punishment in schools.  In all fairness, the Labour MPs who signed up for this were generally not aware that it was a front for PIE although it would be useful to know what role Janner played in the campaign.  PIE also targeted the National Council for Civil Liberties, elements within the National Union of Journalists and various Trotskyist sects who had adopted a deranged position calling for the abolition of the age of sexual consent.

          At the time, the largest Trotskyist organisation in Britain was the Workers Revolutionary Party under the charismatic and corrupt leadership of Tipperary born Gerry Healy.  When Healy was expelled from the leadership of the party, in 1984, it was revealed that he had slandered other members of the left, physically abused party members and entered into corrupt financial relations with various Middle Eastern dictatorships ranging from Ba’athist Iraq (under al Baqr, not Saddam), Qaddafi’s Libya and Iran.  It was on this basis that the WRP was able to produce a daily colour tabloid, The Newsline, edited by former World in Action producer Alex Mitchell, who somehow got a job with Rupert Murdoch in Australia when the WRP split in 1984, during the miners’ strike.

          The main and most serious charge against Healy, however, was that he was a paedophile and abuser of young women, mainly but not exclusively inside the WRP itself.  This would have been a big enough grenade for the left, at a time when the miners and wider labour movement were fighting for their very existence, and when the Greater London Council was under imminent threat.  However, a close personal associate of Healy was also Chair of Labour’s Lambeth Council at the time.  Indeed, Ted Knight, who was an actual WRP sleeper inside the Labour Party, sat on the editorial board of Labour Herald with Alex Mitchell, Ken Livingstone and the actor Corin Redgrave, who remained a sycophantic apologist for Healy until his death.  The typeface and banner of Labour Herald was identical to the Newsline, printed at the same presses and no doubt bankrolled with the same Middle Eastern money that was delivered in suitcases (in the case of the Libyans) to a hotel in Malta. 

          This was nothing less than a time bomb for both Labour and the GLC, compounded by the fact that the South Vale care home was located in West Norwood, meaning that it was the responsibility of Lambeth Council – a care home that was rife with abuse and part of the same Deep State paedophile network as its counterparts in North Wales.  Not only did Knight lead a cover up of the abuse scandal, before and after social worker Bulaq Forsythe was murdered in 1993, but he arranged to have abuse victims quietly transferred to care homes in Islington.  His confederate, here, was his personal friend, Margaret Hodge, then on Islington council and later a Labour MP and MOSSAD agent.  Significantly, Margaret Hodge would later be central to the false charges of anti-Semitism levelled at Jeremy Corbyn.  In particular, and in a deliberate attempt to get Boris Johnson elected, Hodge would set up a scurrilous Panorama documentary in which these false accusations were made, almost on the eve of the general election, by David Ware, a notorious MI5 stooge.

Gangland 

 During the same period when Deep State paedophile operations were running at Kincora, in North Wales and at South Vale, corrupt Flying Squad officers in the Metropolitan Police were deeply immersed with organised crime in the capital.  Indeed, at one point, it’s estimated that most of the armed robberies in London had been set up by serving detectives linked to prominent South London criminal gangs, such as that run by Kenneth Noye and his associate, John “Goldfinger” Palmer.  However, there was an interesting twist to this arrangement in that the cabal linking corrupt police to organised crime was also being used by MI5 in a secret assassination program against actual and suspected members of the IRA.  This recreated a murky relationship that had been established by an earlier South London gangster, Charlie Richardson, with the Rhodesian Central Intelligence Organisation, that had been involved (along with South Africa’s BOSS) in the various plots against Harold Wilson.

         In the early 1980s, these corrupt officers carried out two major operations as favours for their friends and protectors in the secret state and in my novel, Jaded Jerusalem, it is suggested that MI5 helped undermine Operation Countryman, the way that they would later do the shoot to kill investigation of John Stalker in the North of Ireland.  The first favour involved murdering Roberto Calvi of the Vatican Bank, who was found hanging under Blackfriars Bridge in 1980, and passing it off as suicide.  The second involved burying eight year old Vishal Mehrota, in 1981, in marshy farmland near the Hampshire-Sussex border, and burying the investigation, perhaps under instruction from Leon Brittan.

          Both Noye and Palmer are important and feature prominently in our subsequent story due to their involvement in the Brinks Mat robbery, described below.  In 1985, Noye was exonerated for murdering an undercover cop called John Fordham.  In 1993, Noye’s nephew was one of two young racist thugs who murdered teenager Stephen Lawrence in South London and it was Noye’s corrupt police connections who once more undermined the investigation. 

          Also in 1993, Noye, was involved in the killing of his former minder Pat Tate and confederate Tony Tucker in an infamous Range Rover killings in Essex,   Tate had been Noye’s personal minder in Swansdale Prison on the Isle of Sheppley and persuaded him to invest £30 000 in a major ecstasy operation that later claimed the life of 18 year old Leah Betts.  Run with the complicity of corrupt police this was the original “county lines” operation.  However, the unstable Tate had both ripped Noye off and threatened to compromise both him and his corrupt police associates.  . 

        When Noye murdered 19 year old Stephen Cameron in 1996 this premeditated killing was once more precipitated by a drug deal that had gone sour.  Again, thanks to Noye’s corrupt police contacts this was passed off as an act of “road rage” and after his return to Britain from Spain, Noye was allowed to serve his sentence in an open prison in Gloucester, from which he was able to run his criminal empire with ease.  At age 72, he was released in 2019.  In exchange for the various favours owed to his corrupt police contacts he had meantime arranged the murder of journalist Jill Dando by a Tenerife based hit man called “Joe the barman,” in 1999.  This was because Jill Dando was investigating the Deep State paedophile ring.

Paedophiles in Parliament. Kincora. UK corruption.

            John “Goldfinger” Palmer was the “fence” for the Brinks Mat robbery who later became widely immersed in the criminal underworld in Spain.  Originally from Solihull, in the West Midlands, he was part of Noye’s South London “firm” but also had a strong association with Bristol and Somerset where he ran a chain of jeweller’s stores.  By the early 2000s he was allegedly involved in the blood diamond trade out of West Africa, with the Lebanese Maraka, money laundering for Hezbollah and, it is alleged, the IRA.  He was also out of his depth due to the arrival of the Russian Mafia in Malaga and Puerto Banus.  Palmer’s downfall was that, being illiterate he taped every single business conversation he ever had with his criminal associates.  After Stephen Messham revealed how he’d been abused by the VIP paedophile network linking the North Wales care homes to Dolphin Square, Palmer tried to blackmail some of the VIP paedophiles and was murdered at his home in Surrey.  It was only after this that Beech and Proctor were coerced to lead Operation Midland on its wild goose chase. 

          Palmer was shot dead using a low calibre weapon similar to that used in the murder of Jill Dando

Roberto Calvi and Brinks Mat

Following state and CIA involvement, in the abduction and murder of Aldo Moro, there was a military coup plot in Italy that also involved the Mafia and the P2 Masonic Lodge.  To finance this coup the Mafia laundered money through the Vatican Bank where Robert Calvi was a key player.  However, the CIA pulled out and the Mafia wanted their money back, after attempts to blame the Bolognia bombing of 1980 on the Red Brigades backfired.  By this time, Calvi had been creaming off the Mafia account and transferring funds to his own Ambrosia Bank.  When the coup was aborted and the Mafia found out, Calvi bolted to London.

          What is interesting is that some of the money that Calvi stole somehow ended up in the hands of the Italian Brinks bank, which was part of Brinks Mat and the robbery, on November 26, 1983, would seem to have (initially) been set up as “contract robbery” by the Mafia.  It was also, at a tune of £26 million, the biggest heist in British history.  In my novel, the same cabal of corrupt cops who murdered Calvi and covered up Vishal’s death arranged the robbery on the understanding that they and their gangster associates keep whatever value of gold exceeds what the Mafia wanted.  As in real life, they are shocked at just how much gold there is in the lock up in Heathrow.  As in real life, Noye is exonerated for stabbing a police officer to death in the fall out from Brinks Mat in 1985.

           This is the criminal association that continued into the 1990s, that undermined the Stephen Lawrence murder investigation and found Noye in an open prison in Gloucester for the premeditated murder of Stephen Cameron.  It also goes to the heart of Jill Dando’s murder, and the framing of a man with learning difficulties for the crime.  This was almost certainly because Jill Dando was investigating the paedophile ring and its links to corrupt police and she may even have been targeted by Jimmy Savile in person.  Significantly, investigator Mark William Thomas, who has been to the fore in demanding that the investigation into Jill Dando’s murder be reopened, was also the first person to expose Jimmy Savile.  In all likelihood, the same hit man who killed Jill Dando also assassinated John “Goldfinger.” Palmer because he was trying to blackmail members of the VIP paedophile ring,

Geoffrey Prime

 In 1983 a KGB agent, Geoffrey Prime, was discovered operating at the Government Communications s Headquarters in Cheltenham, actually part of the PLATFORM  system for gathering “signal intelligence” run by the American NSA.  It is also part of the “five eyes” arrangement for electronic intelligence gathering identified e.g. by Edward Snowden.

         What is significant here is that Prime was ensnared, in Malvern, Worcestershire, through his involvement in the paedophile ring but never tried and convicted as a paedophile.  Many see this as the “smoking gun” proving that the paedophile ring was and remains a Deep State operation because how else could it have been used to set up Prime in this way?

Hilda Murrell

In 1985, Hilda Murrell was murdered at her home in Shropshire by a team of MI5 subcontractors.  Already under surveillance by the nuclear police, Murrell was incorrectly believed to be in possession of secret documents on the sinking of the Belgrano, during the Falklands War.  Specifically, the intelligence community were convinced that Murrell’s nephew, Rob Green, then a member of Naval Intelligence, had passed on these documents to his aunt which was actually not the case.  According to one of my police sources, there was pressure brought on West Mercia Police not only to release the Nazi and Satanist David Myatt, who was interviewed over the Murrell killing, but also to put Green in the frame for her murder.  When this failed, the media smeared Rob Green as a “Walter Mitty” instead. 

          In the 1990s the fascist and Satanist David Myatt boasted to his Combat 18 Unit in Hereford that he had murdered Murrell for MI5 and named as one of his confederates Stephen Norris.  Not only was Norris linked to the abuse in the North Wales Care Homes but he has been named as the likely abductor of eight year old Vishal in 1981   What is interesting is that after West Mercia Police released Myatt from custody, without trial, he was quickly moved to an MI5 safe house in Fife.  A year later, when Myatt was still based in Scotland, the SNP politician Willie McCrea was murdered on the banks of Loch Ness, during his campaign to have US nuclear submarines removed from Scotland.  

          The fascists who killed Murrell worked for Sapphire Investigations in Shropshire, a deeply sinister private detective agency that had been hired by the National Front to compile dossiers on members of the Anti Nazi League.  Sapphire Investigations, in turn, were subcontractors to ZEUSS Security in Norwich, who did work for both MI5 and the nuclear police.

UK corruption: Sinister workings of MI5. Cover ups. Paedophiles in power.

          By the mid 1990s, Myatt was running a Combat 18 Unit in Hereford while working as an agency psychiatric nurse.  He also boasted to his C18 cadres that he had murdered Hilda Murrell for MI5.  In fact, it’s highly unlikely that either MI5 or the nuclear police actually ordered the murder of Hilda Murrell.  Much more likely, the team of hired fascist thugs burgled Murrell’s house in Shropshire when they thought she was out, then killed her when she stumbled upon them.  Myatt was indeed based in Shrewsbury at the time and had a PO Box Number for his Thormynd Times, based in the town.  As with the murder of the boy in Kincora, in Northern Ireland, MI5 might not have ordered Hilda Murrell’s murder but they were certainly complicit in undermining the murder investigation and protecting the killer during the subsequent cover up.

          Myatt’s history is interesting.  He was first arrested on firearms charges while running a paramilitary organisation in the 1960s and later became bodyguard to Colin “Jackboot” Jordan of the British Movement.  Parallels with the case of Willie Prol, in Germany, suggest that Myatt may also have been recruited by British Intelligence In prison, as were individuals like John Banks and Kenneth Littlejohn a few years later.  During the 1970s, Myatt founded the Column 88 terrorist group and by the mid 1990s was running a Combat 18 unit in Hereford while working as an agency psychiatric nurse.  Myatt, who also inspired the bomber David Copeland, was later acquitted for conspiracy to murder, in an incident unrelated to Hilda Murrell’s death, in which other leaders of Combat 18 were sent down.  This suggests that as well as being a protected MI5 asset, Myatt had helped secure a leadership succession in the paramilitary group that was to the secret state’s liking.

          After 9/11, Myatt underwent a bizarre conversion to Islam and tried to court Hamas with overtly anti-Semitic rhetoric in another move that reeked of intelligence community involvement.  He has since tried to reinvent himself as a theological scholar, claiming to denounce all extremism, much as several former officers of the police Special Demonstration Squad have since tried to reinvent themselves as liberal academics, courtesy e.g. of University of Exeter Centre for Police Studies.

          In the late 1990s, Andrew George was framed for the murder of Hilda Murrell on suspect forensic evidence.  This was very shortly after David Myatt’s acquittal for conspiracy to murder as a leading member of Combat 18.   Andrew George was 16 at the time of Hilda Murrell’s murder and seems to have been an abuse survivor from the North Wales care homes, which is how Norris knew him.  Hilda Murrell’s telephone had been professionally disabled, before her murder, in a manner that was way beyond the abilities of Andrew George and she was dumped in a field to die of hypothermia even though George couldn’t drive.

       As a former psychiatric nurse, Myatt’s path and that of Jimmy Savile may well have crossed.  Certainly, he has inside knowledge that has guaranteed his protection by the secret state up till this day.  

The British American Project

The British American Project probably had its roots in the post war Bilderberg Group, the direction of which significantly changed, according to Naomi Klein, when Henry Kissinger addressed it in Stockholm, in 1973, putting the projection of neo-liberal economics and neo-conservative politics at the heart of its mission.  Like Margaret Thatcher, then a relative unknown, Kissinger was a supporter of Pinochet’s bloody coup in Chile, at the time.  His most significant protégé in contemporary politics is Donald Rumsfeld and Kissinger is currently one of several apologists for Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, linked to the Heritage Foundation and other Right Wing think tanks in the US.

Kincora Boys Home, UK corruption. British American project.

         The BAP was created at a meeting in the Situation Room of the Ronald Reagan White House in 1983 and we know about it because of documents declassified during the Kerry Commission investigation into Iran Contra. The principle mover at the meeting was Rupert Murdoch, proving that he had become much more than a newspaper mogul a la Springer in Germany.  This, after all, was the dawn of De Bord’s age of the “Spectacle.”  Murdoch had already supported Thatcher in the Falklands War and was about to do likewise during the miners’ strike.  As reward, a monopolies commission recommendation, in the UK, that Murdoch not be allowed to buy either The Times or own Sky TV was waved.  This was the beginning of the Murdoch-Thatcher axis and News Corporation’s all but total domination of the British media landscape. 

          In the establishment of a global neo-liberal agenda, Margaret Thatcher’s relationship to Rupert Murdoch was at least as important as that to Ronald Reagan.  Murdoch’s nefarious influence, and role in the further erosion of democracy, would prove ongoing and he would later boast to have chosen every Prime Minister and government in the UK since 1979.  When it came to Theresa May, she met with Murdoch more often than she met her own cabinet.

          Murdoch, however, recognised that the Tories could not be in power indefinitely, at least at that point, when British democracy had yet to be totally destroyed, and his concern was to secure a Right wing leadership succession in the Labour Party, after Neil Kinnock had purged class struggle socialists from the Party’s ranks. At this point it is unclear how much, if anything, Murdoch knew about a Deep State paedophile ring, or Janner’s alleged involvement in Vishal’s murder, which certainly would have been a “bargaining chip” in the rise of New Labour.  However, Murdoch did keep dossiers on all his political friends and foes by this time, as well as using private detectives and having a gang of former SAS neck breakers on his payroll.  As Tom Watson points out, this is hardly the kind of behaviour which the general public would expect of a newspaper proprietor. 

Rupert Murdoch News Corporation. Kincora Boys School. Paedophiles in Parliament.

          What is interesting, given Murdoch’s role in Neil Kinnock’s demise is that he chose to sit on rumours involving Grenville Janner rather than publishing them.  This would seem astonishing for a publication house whose mission statement is to destroy lives.

          Tony Blair had attended Fettes private school in Scotland and was a Conservative when he went to Oxford and met his future wife, Cherrie Booth.  According to certain unsubstantiated claims, he first joined the Labour Party in order to spook on CND for MI5.  In 1983, Blair and some of his closest political allies secured safe Labour seats in the North East of England on the back of a series of corruption scandals involving John Poulson and fallen former Trotskyist T Dan Smith.  Following the purge, in which a certain John Cunningham survived, Blair’s safe seat in Sedgedfield was secured by Giles Raddice of the GMB union, as was that of Peter Mandelson in Hartlepool and Alan Johnson, also in the North East. 

          Giles Raddice was a CIA agent inside the British Labour Movement. 

           The North East would then become the power base of what became New Labour and this cabal set about degenerating active party branches in order to purge them of left wing activists..

          As with Rupert Murdoch, who later supported Blair’s rise to power, we don’t know if Blair was already aware of Janner’s activities, his possible link to Vishal’s murder and ongoing involvement in child sex abuse.  What we do know is that following his own recruitment to the British American Project, in 1986, Peter Mandelson became particularly close to Janner.  Significantly, it would be Janner who introduced Mandelson to the likes of Prince Andrew, Gislaine Maxwell and Robert Maxwell’s then business partner, Jeffrey Epstein.  Later, it would be Mandelson in person who lobbied for Janner’s peerage even when claims of his paedophile activities had become public.

         In 1987, on the broken back of a defeated labour movement, the City of London was de-regulated and Britain’s offshore banking system became the biggest money laundering operation on the planet.  Meanwhile, according to Army Intelligence whistle blower Annie Davidson, the Deep State paedophile network that had helped Thatcher come to power was used to secure the deeply corrupt al Yamamah arms deal with Saudi Arabia, also in 1987, then the biggest arms deal in British history.  On the back of this deal Mark Thatcher would become a very rich man worth £60 million. 

          Also during this period, and for services rendered, Jimmy Savile was given positions of trust at Broadmoor and Stoke Mandeville, through the offices of Thatcher and Edwina Curry and there was talk not only of a Knighthood but a peerage.  Abuse complaints against Lord Janner, meantime, were also covered up by the police and he moved strategically closer to the leadership of the Labour Party.

          At this point it is unclear whether Jeffrey Epstein simply moved part of his own paedophile operation to London because his Royal connection provided protection from a deeply corrupt Metropolitan police.  More likely, in my view, Epstein’s operation became merged with the pre-existing Deep State paedophile network in some way.  What we do know is that the Deep State paedophile network in Britain moved into the world of finance at around the same time.

Daniel Morgan

 In 1987, private detective Daniel Morgan was murdered in the car park of the Golden Lion pub in Sydenham, near Croydon.  Significantly, Morgan was linked to a cabal of corrupt Metropolitan Police Detectives who were selling stories to The Sun, both for hard cash and to service their own agendas.  What seems likely, and as suggested in my novel and trilogy, is that this was the same cabal of corrupt detectives that were linked to South London gangster Kenneth Noye, that had arranged the murder of Roberto Calvi, covered up the murder of Vishal and been involved in setting up the Brinks Mat robbery.

         It is now generally acknowledged that Morgan was murdered by corrupt police but this is usually accredited to some kind of drug deal that went sour.  However, if this were the case, why would News Corporation have gone to the lengths of perverting the course of justice and undermining the murder investigation that they did, and as admirably revealed by Tom Watson.  This included having a team of former SAS neck-breakers shadowing the BBC Crimewatch team that covered the story and Murdoch’s rag trying to find any dirt on the journalists involved.

          This also raises the question as to whether, as in my novel and trilogy, the same SAS team were shadowing Jill Dando at the time of her murder given that she, too, was investigating the Deep State paedophile ring at the time.  As we will discover, Dando was murdered by a Tenerife based hit man called “Joe the Barman” on instruction from South London gangster Kenneth Noye, who owed favours to his corrupt associates in the Metropolitan Police.  This was a professional hit involving a slow delivery 9mm pistol at close range and the cartridge case was collected by the assassin.  The gun was never found. 

          Barry George, a local man with learning difficulties, was framed for the killing and as a (not very effective) defence ploy his lawyer postulated who else might have wanted Jill Dando dead.  Improbably, he focused on the Serbs and even the IRA, who were on ceasefire and had signed up to the Good Friday Agreement by this point.  When the conviction of Barry George was overturned it was the Sun that pushed the line that Serbs or the IRA killed Jill Dando, while the police flatly admitted that they were looking for no new suspects and George remained subject to a surveillance order.  In short, according to the Murdoch media, Jill Dando could have been murdered by anyone and everyone who was not a hit man working for a South London gangster who owed favours to a cabal of corrupt cops who had helped cover up the Deep State paedophile ring.

Arson

On Easter Saturday In April, 1992 three men were killed in a house fire on Palmerston Avenue, Hove, near Brighton.  One of them, Adrian Johns, whose flat it was, was a survivor of Care Home abuse at Bryn Allen in North Wales – part of the archipelago of abuse described above.  There was a party taking place in the house at the time and several more people were badly injured, including Adrian’s brother Lee who suffered major burns and allegedly committed suicide three years later.  Although the fire safety standards in the house were a sick joke, fire officers later confirmed that the cause of the fire was arson and that an accelerant was used.   Shortly afterwards, unemployed Trevor Carrington, who appeared to have penned a suicide note claiming responsibility for the fire, conveniently died of a paracetomol overdoes after discharging himself from hospital.  Though unemployed, he had a substantial amount of money in an Isle of Man bank account, according to an important article by Simon Regan (see below) in Scallywag magazine.

          This wasn’t the first murder of care home abuse survivors but it was the first to get major media attention.  It also prompted another care home survivor, Stephen Messham, to come forward and describe his own harrowing experience of abuse, this time at Bryn Estyn care home in North Wales.  What is important to remember here is that this was three years before John Allen was convicted of child sex abuse and few people had ever heard of Bryn Allen or Bryn Estyn.  What is astonishing is that Stephen was immediately attacked not only by mainstream media (David Rose still worked at The Guardian at the time) but by Private Eye   Fortunately, the story was taken up by ex Sun journalist Simon Regan, who may well have heard rumours of abuse stories being repressed while he was working on Murdoch’s rag.  For the first half of the 1990s, the Weymouth based Scallywag magazine led the way in trying to expose the Deep State paedophile ring.

          In the 1970s, Stephen Messham had escaped from the Bryn Allen Care Home and delivered incriminating photographs to a local police station in North Wales.  The police destroyed the photographs and returned Stephen to his abusers.  An Inspector Anglesea, himself a paedophile, was later proved to be active in the cover up of the care home abuse in North Wales, but not before he successfully sued The Western Daily Mail, The Independent and HTV television news.  At the time, Anglesey described himself as a “kindly” Welsh version of the fictional character, Dixon of Dock Green

           Later, in 2016, it was proved that Anglesey was indeed a paedophile, had been connected to abuse at the care homes and had indeed destroyed the photographs that a young Stephen Messham had presented at a police station after his escape.  By now, however, Stephen had already been trashed and vilified both by David Rose and Private Eye.  A former member of the SWP, Rose now works for the Daily Mail and seems to have made a career out of trying to disprove the existence of Deep State paedophile networks, for example on Jersey.  I don’t know if he was previously involved in the attempted smearing of Rob Green over Hilda Murrell’s murder but The Guardian was one of the papers describing Rob Green as a Walter Mitty fantasist.

          Simon Regan’s investigations never took in Grenville Janner, the murder of Buliq Forsythe or the cover up at South Vale in Norwood.  At its simplest, he had no knowledge or leads regarding these matters.  He also never referred to any underworld connection involving Kenneth Noye, John Palmer or corrupt police.  However, he did reveal the extent of the abuse at the North Wales Care Homes and their links to Ludgate PR and Elm House and Stephen Messham was not his only source.  What Simon Regan didn’t do was make any ridiculous references to “Satanic ritual abuse,” New World Orders or “the Illuminati.”   Most important, he conducted his diligent journalistic investigation and published his evidence long before anyone had ever heard of Carl Beech, or the odious Harvey Proctor had been set up to provide what passed for an official investigation with a convenient wild goose chase.

          This may account for the suspicious deaths both of Scallywag’s proprietor, Angus James, and Simon Regan himself between 1996 and 2000

Bulaq Forsythe and Stephen Lawrence

Bulaq Forsyth and Stephen Lawrence, both black, were both murdered in 1993.  The former, a social worker in South London, had tried to expose the abuse that Ted Knight and Margaret Hodge were covering up at South Vale care home.  After he was murdered, officials removed all the documents in his possession from his flat in Clapham and his daughter has campaigned to reopen the murder investigation to this day.  In other words, Buliq Forsythe’s death was directly connected to his investigation into abuse in South Vale and the subsequent cover up. By contrast, teenager Stephen Lawrence, who was a victim of a race attack, had absolutely no point of contact with the Deep State paedophile network other than that one of his killers happened to be the nephew of Kenneth Noye .    

         The same cabal of corrupt cops who were connected to Noye, through Brinks Mat, would subsequently collude with the South London gangster in taking out Pat Tate and Tony Tucker in the notorious Range Rover shooting in Rettendon, Essex in 1994.  Although two men were later convicted for their part in the shotgun executions, Jack Whiles and Michael Steele, it is widely believed that a third man, who was never caught, was a police informant from East London also connected to Noye.  

          This murder is perhaps best known from the film version of Carlton Leech’s memoir, Rise of the Foot SoldierWhat Leech, and certainly the film, omitted to mention was that Pat Tate had been Noye’s minder in prison and that it was Tate who introduced Noye to the world of drug trafficking.  Indeed, Noye, Tate and Tucker set up the network that would later claim the life of teenager Leah Betts and almost certainly pioneered the practice of recruiting vulnerable youngsters to operate as drug mules or couriers under the notorious “county lines” system.  Then as now, many of these youngsters came from sink council estates blighted by social alienation and exclusion but many also came from Britain’s shamefully abusive care home system.

          In his book, and in the film, Leech offers three scenario’s for the Range Rover killing of Pat Tate and Tony Tucker one of which involves corrupt police.  As previously stated, it does not refer to Kenneth Noye by name.  However, there is an even darker side to all this which is worth exploring.  In the 1970s and 1980s, for example, the care homes at the centre of organised child sex abuse at Kincora and in North Wales were privately run with public money and this shameful practice has since been reproduced on a massive scale with companies like G4S and SERCO involved.   The police themselves and National Crime Agency now admit that these privately run care homes are fertile recruiting grounds for mules and couriers to be exploited by “county lines” gangs but the same also applies to paedophile gangs including the paedophile networks still connected to Britain’s Deep State. 

          What is most likely is that certain criminals, recruiting to the County Lines gangs, also recruit for the Deep State paedophile network that still exists, albeit completely transferred to the private sector.  This puts a whole new perspective on John Palmer’s attempt to blackmail paedophile MPs, once Stephen Messham came forward a second time, and thus to Palmer’s murder in 2012.  True, Palmer taped all his conversations on account that he was illiterate but the only way the Deep State paedophile ring could have come up in conversation is if Noye, or someone close to Noye, was directly involved in it.    

          When the McPherson Inquiry finally delivered its report into the failure of the Stephen Lawrence murder investigation in 1999 it cited “institutional racism” as a factor in the failure of the Metropolitan police to convict the killers.  There has never been an investigation into the failure of the Buliq Forsythe murder investigation.  However, while “institutional racism” is indeed endemic in the Metropolitan Police there were also detectives, linked to Kenneth Noye and the Deep State paedophile ring since before the Brinks Mat robbery, who were actively working to make sure the murder investigation failed.   Indeed, this time, the actual name of a police detective linked to Noye, one Ray Adams, who’d featured in the earlier Operation Russell investigation, actually turned up.  Adams’ name was nonetheless withheld from the McPherson Inquiry.   

          Whether or not these corrupt police were involved in the targeting of the Stephen Lawrence campaign by the sinister Special Demonstration Squad remains a matter of conjecture.  These same detectives had nonetheless helped Noye when he murdered undercover detective John Fordham in 1985 and in taking out Tate and Tucker in Essex.  In 1996 they helped him again when he carried out the premeditated murder of Stephen Callaghan and it was passed off as manslaughter. 

           In other words, whether Noye was directly involved in pimping kids from the county lines drug operation for the Deep State paedophile ring or not, he owed his police contacts big time when he arranged Jill Dando’s murder by “Joe the Barman” in 1999.

         By the mid 1990s, rent boy Alan Kerr was being regularly trafficked to London to be abused by Lord Grenville.  Already implicated in the murder of eight year old Vishal in 1981, this bought and paid for stooge of the Deep establishment had been abusing children since the 1960s.  Indeed, it would later be revealed that Janner, who inherited his Parliamentary seat in Leicester from his father, had abused at least 22 children in his inglorious career.  With the rise of New Labour, however, he was now much closer to the Labour leadership and more useful to the Deep State accordingly.  Janner was also connected, by now, to Prince Andrew, Gislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein. 

          What is important to remember is that Janner’s rise in the New Labour firmament converged with the period in which Tony Blair successfully courted Rupert Murdoch to hi-jack the Labour Party, in violation of its own constitution.  It’s also important to remember that, through the British American Project, Rupert Murdoch had been planning New Labour’s rise since 1983.  Particularly close to Janner, in Tony Blair’s right wing entourage was Peter Mandelson of the British American Project, who would campaign for Janner’s peerage even after claims of child sex abuse later emerged.  Perhaps significantly, Kier Starmer, as Labour’s DPP in the early 2000s, would refuse to prosecute either Janner or Jimmy Savile despite being offered compelling evidence to do so.  Indeed, Alison Levitt, the lawyer that Starmer charged with investigating both cases, was married to Lord Carlilse, a personal friend both of Janner and Cyril Smith.

Peter Morrison and the Jillings Report

In 1995, Thatcher’s top aid, Peter Morrison, late of Ludgate PR, conveniently died of a heart attack ahead of his own prosecution for child sex charges.  This followed the conviction of John Allen on child sex charges in Wales as well as the alleged suicide of Adrian Johns’ brother, Lee.  A still further paedophile associate of Morrison, this time with previous convictions, also conveniently died in a house fire close to where Vishal’s body was found near Petersfield on the Hampshire-Sussex border according to Simon Regan in Scallywag.

          A year later, with New Labour now established as a government in waiting, the Jillings Report into abuse in the North Wales care homes was being conveniently buried by Welsh Secretary William Haig.  This was after evidence surfaced that at least 12 children were murdered in the homes during John Allen’s tenure.  The subsequent Whitehouse report was a deliberate cover up and effectively a sequel to the Terry investigation into Kincora in many respects.  While Terry was not allowed to reference members of the security forces, Whitehouse couldn’t mention politicians or VIPs.

          As part of a wider cover up there was a fire in a warehouse in Crewe, again in 1996 that destroyed vital evidence pertaining to care home abuse in North Wales and the proprietor of Scallywag, Angus James,died under suspicious circumstances in Northern Cyprus at the same time.  This was the dawn of the internet era and James was looking for finance to re-boot Scallywag as Spiked magazine.  He had been courting finance from Asil Nadir, formerly of Polly Peck, when he was conveniently killed with multiple injuries in a car crash.  Shortly before his own suspicious death on August 8, 2000, roughly a year after Jill Dando, Simon Regan was calling for an investigation into the murder of Angus James.

        In 1996, Kenneth Noye carried out the premeditated murder of drug rival Stephen Cameron and went on the run in Spain.  The corrupt cops who covered up Vishal’s murder, and who were linked to Noye through Brinks Matt, had already done Noye a big favour in undermining the Stephen Lawrence murder investigation and the Stephen Lawrence campaign was later infiltrated by the notorious Special Demonstration Squad.

        Jill Dando would be murdered one year before Simon Regan’s suspicious death on August 8, 2000, in Weymouth.  Both were investigating the paedophile ring at the time of their deaths and Regan was calling for a renewed inquiry into Angus James’ murder.  Dando was killed by a professional contract killer, namely Joe the Barman, at the behest of Kenneth Noye, but her celebrity status meant that a man with learning difficulties had to be put in the frame for her murder.  Simon Regan was less well known and in poor health, but that actually made it easier for officials to quietly remove all his documents with the complicity of his former landlord. 

A Very British Coup Part One

In 1997, Rupert Murdoch supported Tony Blair’s election landslide and helped herald in the most squandered election victory in British history.  Margaret Thatcher immediately arrived at Number 10 Downing Street to deliver some kind of ultimatum.  Likely as not this related to Lord Janner’s involvement in Vishal’s murder, his wider paedophile activities, the role of the paedophile ring in securing the al Yamamah deal and Peter Mandelson’s ongoing association with Ghislane Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein.  Already sold out to Murdoch, New Labour was bought and paid for and, in any case, was only a bench substitution for the Tories during a period racked by corruption scandals.  Twenty three years later and Blair, now a millionaire war criminal, would actively campaign to stop Jeremy Corbyn becoming Prime Minister and, in the process, help herald in the worst and most corrupt British government in history.

           Within a year of New Labour coming to power, Andrew George had been framed for Hilda Murrell’s murder and Blair was earning a reputation as an international arms dealer, particularly for BAE.  Meanwhile, Kier Starmer, as DPP, blocked investigations into both Jimmy Savile and Lord Grenville Janner, on the advice of Alison Lewitt, whose husband was a friend both of Janner and Cyril Smith.  As we’ve seen, Peter Mandelson was lobbying for Janner’s peerage at this time.  Later, in 2003, in the run up to the illegal war in Iraq, Blair was repressing the fact that 50 detectives had been sacked from the Metropolitan Police for possession of child sex images.  One of these was Thatcher’s former personal protection officer.  .

Jill Dando, Simon Regan and Robin Cooke

 In 1999, Jill Dando was murdered on her doorstep by Joe the Barman, an assassin hired by Kenneth Noye.  It was a professional hit made using a low velocity pistol, the cartridge was recovered from the scene and the gun never found.  Barry George, a local man with learning difficulties was framed for the murder by police.  To my knowledge, Barry George was not related to Andrew George, who was framed for Hilda Murrell’s murder the year before, although both men were convicted on the grounds of suspect forensic evidence around DNA and gun residues, respectively.  During Barry George’s trial his defence counsel postulated that other people might have killed Jill Dando including the IRA and Serbian fascists but The Sun only ran with these implausible theories after George’s conviction was overturned.

          Jill Dando was a journalist on BBC’s Crimewatch and may have been shadowed by former SAS neck-breakers, working for The Sun, ahead of her murder, much like the journalists investigating the murder of Daniel Morgan a decade before.  Jill Dando was specifically investigating the Deep State paedophile ring and Jimmy Savile when she was killed and it is unlikely that with his criminal and intelligence network operating as it did, that Murdoch wasn’t aware of this fact.  Roughly a year after Jill Dando’s murder, on August 8, 2000, Simon Regan died under suspicious circumstances having produced a de facto “testament” in which he indicated both that Angus James had died through foul play and that his own life was in danger.  This time, Regan was already in poor health and there was apparently no need to pass off a professional contract killing as the work of an obsessed fan with learning difficulties.  Besides, hit men are easier to notice in Weymouth.  However, as with Bulaq Forsythe in 1993, officials visited Regan’s flat, after his death, and were allowed to quietly take away all of his documents by his landlord with no questions asked. 

          On March 17, 2003, as fifty paedophile detectives were being quietly sacked by the Metropolitan Police, as Blair was burying details of al Yamamah and as Kier Starmer was refusing to prosecute Lord Janner and Jimmy Savile, Robin Cook resigned from Labour’s front bench over the illegal war in Iraq.  As it happens, I’m not the only person who thinks Robin Cook was murdered when he later died under suspicious circumstances on August 6, 2005, but the consensus among such people is generally that he was killed because of his opposition to the war in Iraq.   I believe this consensus is wrong.

          In contrast to Dr David Kelly, who may well have been murdered by members of the Iraqi National Congress, there was absolutely no reason why Cook would be targeted in this way for his opposition to the war.  Indeed, Cook was in no sense a Left wing opponent of the New Labour clique of which he was an integral part and, briefed by Army Intelligence whistle-blower Annie Davidson, had played a key role in securing Blair’s election by exposing the arms to Iraq scandal.  He had cuddled up to Rupert Murdoch and supported arms sales to autocrats brokered by Tony Blair.   Indeed, he only opposed the war in Iraq because it didn’t have UN approval, for all that he might not have been aware of the plans to completely smash and dismantle the Iraqi State.  That said, and in what was almost a repeat performance of Colin Wallace’s briefing to Airey Neave, Annie Davidson now briefed Cook on the role of the Deep State paedophile ring in securing the al Yamamah arms deal   

          Following Cook’s likely murder, Annie was framed on fraud charges and went on the run.

Stephen Messham, Inspector Anglesey and a Very British Coup Part II

 In 2007, al Qaeda bombed London in an uncharacteristically accomplished operation which, like 9/11 some years earlier, showed all the trademarks of operational involvement by Saudi Arabian intelligence.  Many believe that this was a warning to Tony Blair not to make public any disclosures about al Yamamah. 

          Within a year of the bombing Barry George had been acquitted of Jill Dando’s murder but the Metropolitan Police refused to look for any other suspects and kept George under a surveillance order.  Now, The Sun resurrected claims that Dando may have been murdered by Serbs or the IRA, in short by anyone and everyone other than Kenneth Noye, working on behalf of corrupt police, because Jill Dando was investigating the Deep State paedophile ring.

          It was in this context that Stephen Messham once more came forward to recount his harrowing experience of abuse in the North Wales care homes.  Once again, Rose targeted Stephen but it was Private Eye that went in for the kill when Stephen got the name of one of his abusers wrong.  None of this detracted from the harrowing abuse that Stephen had suffered as a child, at the hands of rich and powerful men, or his cruel betrayal by corrupt local police.  Indeed, two years after Operation Midland was set up to fail (in 2014) Inspector (now Superintendent) Anglesea would finally be convicted, himself, on child sex charges.  So much for the “kindly Dixon of Dock Green:” the man who had successfully sued The Independent, local print media and HTV television news.  When Anglesea was eventually sentencedin the November of 2016 it should have been evident that the substance of Stephen’s claims, regarding a police cover up, were almost certainly true.  That he got the name of one of his abusers wrong was basically beside the point. 

          Nonetheless, Channel 4 weren’t the only usually credible news platform to drop Stephen like a hot cake and there was worse to come.  On David Cameron’s instruction, Theresa May had set up Operation Midland to fail, just as Jim Prior did the Terry Inquiry and William Haig the Whitehouse investigation before.  No fire in a warehouse in Crewe, this time, but files were shredded or conveniently lost nonetheless.  In the subsequent psychological warfare offensive that was straight out of the Army Information Policy playbook, Carl Beech was coerced to make false claims against Harvey Proctor, who went along with the charade in the full knowledge that he would eventually be exonerated.  Beech, a victim of the network but also, now, a paedophile in his own right, was easy to manipulate.  Indeed, his situation was not dissimilar, in many ways, to that of Andrew George.  Moreover, and while it’s doubtful that Harvey Proctor ever killed anyone in Dolphin Square his vile reputation as a violent abuser of rent boys preceded him and the network no doubt had something on him to ensure his collaboration in the whole affair.

          Always dubious in Carl Beech’s claims (back when we still knew him only as “Nick”) was his allegation that Edward Heath was involved in the 1981 murder of Vishral, following his abduction on the day of the Royal Wedding.  Heath was almost certainly a homosexual and had been targeted as such by George Kennedy Young’s fascist Tory Action, during its attempt to seize control of the Monday Club and oust Heath from the Tory leadership in the 1970s.  Heath also knew Jimmy Savile and had attended meetings of the Paedophile Information Exchange.  By introducing Heath into the mix it made it easier for whoever was handling Proctor’s highly effective online publicity campaign to project Operation Midland as a shambolic witch hunt of celebrities and homosexuals that was also a waste of public money.  That said, Chief Constable Michael Veale of Wiltshire Constabulary was absolutely correct to investigate the claims against Heath, which was his job, because the victims of abuse are more important than the sensibilities of Tories and their families and widows.

           When the case against Proctor collapsed, and Beech was arrested for perverting the course of justice, the Tory press worked overtime to bury the Deep State paedophile story altogether, as if said references only ever began with Carl Beech.  One person who was particularly in Proctor’s gun sights was then Deputy Labour Leader Tom Watson, who had courageously worked to expose Rupert Murdoch’s criminal organisation in the past and one of the few MPs to take claims that a Deep State paedophile ring existed seriously.  Proctor was now threatening to sue Watson the way that Anglesea had successfully sued The Independent, the local print media in Wales and HTV. 

          It was the end of Tom Watson’s political career for all that he had never actually referenced Proctor at all.  It was also the beginning of the psychological warfare offensive against a Labour Party that Jeremy Corbyn was building into the biggest political party in Europe.  Meanwhile, the collapse of what little media in Britain is not corruptly connected to the Tories, was swift and complete, with both the BBC and Channel 4 News ditching the Deep State paedophile story as completely toxic.  Even The Guardian, which had faced off raids by MI5 and the destruction of its computer hard drives by secret police thugs, couldn’t denounce claims that there had ever been a Deep State paedophile network operating in Britain quick enough.  Grotesquely, when the Windrush scandal arose from Theresa May’s racist immigration policies (since eclipsed by the state racism of Priti Patel) The Guardian chose Derek Daoud, late of Ludgate PR and former associate of Peter Morrison of all people, to write an Op-ed on the subject.      

            What made this capitulation all the more shocking was that it flew in the face of evidence that the Deep State paedophile network existed, of which there were real victims still living and which had cost Angus James, Jill Dando and Simon Regan their lives before anyone had ever heard of Carl Beech. The cover up of the paedophile scandal was now feeding directly into the psychological warfare offensive against the Labour Party but also the BBC, which the Tories have long wanted to privatise along with Channel 4.  It was in direct response to coverage of the paedophile story that the BBC, hitherto run by a self governing trust, was placed under the political control of Ofcom, and that Ofcom was staffed by sworn enemies of the BBC including Paul Dacre of the Daily Mail, Boris Johnson’s old cronies from the Telegraph and associates of Rupert Murdoch.

            As a second tier of the psychological warfare offensive to bury the paedophile scandal and against the Labour Party, David Cameron had separated the investigation into child sex abuse in Northern Ireland from that in the rest of the UK.  He had also made sure that Kincora, where the evidence of MI5 involvement in paedophile activity was most evident, was removed from both investigations. 

        What Cameron and his successors did next, was to separate an inquiry into abuse at South Vale and the other care homes in Lambeth from those in North Wales, where allegations of VIP abuse had persisted since the 1990s, and long before Carl Beech.  Cameron, after all, had worked in public relations before becoming a politician.  While there was studiously no reference to the murder of Buliq Forsythe, publicists formerly linked to Ludgate PR focused on the historical role of WRP sleeper Ted Knight, the former Chair of Lambeth Council, who had recently rejoined the Labour Party.  The myth that was now being projected was that abuse in Lambeth had nothing to do with the Deep State but had been allowed to proliferate because Lambeth’s Left Wing council, and the GLC, were focused on their war with Margaret Thatcher’s government.

          This misrepresentation of what had actually happened in Lambeth then converged with the activities of  Margaret Hodge MP who had helped Knight cover up the paedophile scandal in Lambeth, and who was almost as compromised as Lord Grenville Janner, with or without her obvious connections to MOSSAD .  Hodge it was who allowed the Labour Party to be infiltrated by its enemies, as part of a scurrilous Panorama documentary that falsely presented Corbyn as anti-Semitic. The program’s maker was David Ware, a notorious MI5 stooge whose secret state credentials had long been exposed, ironically in Northern Ireland.  Hodge, like Tony Blair and Peter Mandelson, was now deliberately working to get Boris Johnson elected.

           While the mainstream media offensive against Corbyn focused on his alleged anti-Semitism it interacted with more lurid conspiracy theories pushed by illegally funded troll farms.  The overall result of this strategy was to render “brand Corbyn” toxic, proving that if you can bury a Deep State paedophile ring you can bury anything.

A Footnote – Murder in Kent   

Thanks to the false trail laid by Carl Beech and Harvey Proctor, even the handful of journalists and investigators who have stuck with the Deep State paedophile story have been looking in the wrong place.  All too often, they stick to the notion that the network existed primarily to service the perversions of the evil cabal that Thatcher indeed gathered around her.  This isn’t quite as crass, or ridiculous, as talking about Satanic ritual abuse, blood sacrifices, underground cities and “the Illuminati” but it is still wide of the mark.  In fact, and as we have seen, the principle purpose of this network was not to sustain the perversions of Thatcher’s friends but to target and neutralise her enemies.  This is why it is much more plausible that Grenville Janner and Cyril Smith were lured to participate in the squalid murder of eight year old Vishral, in 1981, on the day of the Royal Wedding, to place a time bomb at the heart of the Labour Party, just as Rupert Murdoch was arranging a Right wing leadership succession with his then friends in Washington.

          Somebody who may well have known this was John “Goldfinger” Palmer, close associate of Kenneth Noye and fence for the Brinks Mat bullion robbery, who was murdered at his home in Kent on June 24, 2015.  In 1987, Palmer was acquitted on charges of laundering the Brinks Mat gold at the Old Bailey and it was a fairly open secret that corrupt police were involved.  Over the years at least ten people connected to the Brinks Mat robbery were murdered or died under suspicious circumstances including corrupt cop, Sidney Wink.  Palmer, however, played a key role in Kenneth Noye’s operation because his timeshare business was used to launder first the Brinks Mat revenues, then thrown open to other criminal enterprises.  Crucially, Palmer was illiterate and taped all his business conversations.

           Palmer’s criminal empire in Spain was based in Tenerife and it was here that Kenneth Noye arranged the murder of Jill Dando, at the behest of his corrupt cop associates, because Jill Dando was investigating the Deep State paedophile network.  The chosen hit man, “Joe the Barman,” whose nationality is not known, was also based in Tenerife and may also have done “wet work” for the Russian Mafia.  This is significant to the “red herrings” released into the media stream both after Barry George’s conviction collapsed and following Palmer’s own execution, almost certainly by Joe the Barman. 

          Between 2014, when Operation Midland was set up to fail in the UK, and Palmer’s own murder a year later, Stephen Messham had once more come forward to reveal his harrowing childhood experience at the hands of VIP paedophiles in the North Wales Care Homes.  Based on taped conversations and other materials in his possession, Palmer decided to blackmail members of the VIP paedophile ring and it was this which sealed his fate.  By 2016-17, Messham was being vilified by David Rose, by Private Eye and others and Carl Beech was leading Operation Midland on a wild goose chase.  By 2019, the media in the UK were burying the Deep State paedophile network story with indecent haste.

         It is at this point that Palmer’s former accountant, Paul Blanchard, entered the frame, claiming that the Russian Mafia had murdered Palmer because they’d been ripped off by Palmer’s timeshare operation.  Blanchard’s book, however, was only published after another one, by one of Palmer’s Lebanese associates, in Spanish, that clearly explained how and why Palmer was trying to blackmail members of the VIP paedophile ring.

           And meanwhile, despite the corrupt and toxic relationship between corporate media and political power in Britain, awkward questions continue to resurface.  Murdoch’s empire, for example, has now been forced to admit that it had information on Jimmy Savile’s paedophile activities when he was still alive that they failed to publish.  The Sun’s justification for this is that Britain’s libel and slander laws, which can only be used by the rich and powerful, prevented publication.  Grotesquely, The Guardian, once the bette noir of Rupert Murdoch, picked up on this in an opinion piece in which it pointed out (correctly) that the libel and slander laws prevent Britain’s Fourth Estate (such as it is) from doing its job in holding truth to power.   This, of course, is true as far as it goes but is hardly the main thing preventing Britain’s corrupt corporate media from doing its job.  It also churlishly misses the real point in this case. 

          Both the Mirror and Sun carry insurance against prosecution and by Andy Coulson’s own admission the mission statement of Rupert Murdoch’s criminal empire is to destroy lives  Also, and thanks to Martin Hickman and Tom Watson, we know that Murdoch has private detectives and a whole team of ex SAS neck breakers at his disposal.  It would have been the easiest thing in the world for The Sun, given its resources, to put Savile under the same kind of surveillance as they did the Crimewatch team investigating Daniel Morgan’s murder.  In addition, why wait until now, when talk of a Deep State paedophile network has been comfortably buried, to say that they knew about Savile all along?              In the most benign of scenarios this suggests that The Sun sat on the story to keep Margaret Thatcher in power and also Tony Blair, until he had served his purpose in all but destroying the Labour Party.  The more malign scenario implies that he was much more directly involved in the paedophile operation than any evidence has thus far suggested.  Maybe it’s time to take a closer look at what News Corporation is really up to now and what other secrets it is reluctant to surrender to public scrutiny?

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